Lincoln and liberty!!!

LINCOLN AND LIBERTY!!

Tract No. 13.

New York, Sept. 11th, 1860.

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For President,

iAHAM L1NC0

©/" Illinois.

For Vice-President,

The Annihilation of Douglas.

Of Jflaitte.

State Nominations.

For Governor, EDWIN D. MORGAN.

For Lieutenant Governor, ROBERT CAMPBELL.

For Canal Commissioner, S. H. BARNES.

For State Prison Inspector, JAMES K. BATES.

For Electors at Large,

WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT,
JAMES 0. PUTNAM.

For District Electors

1. John A. King.

2. Edward W. Fiske.

3. Andrew Carignan,

4. James Kelly.

5. Sigismund Kaufman.

6. Frederick Kapp.

7. Washington Smith.

8. William A. Darling.

9. Wm. H. Robertson.

10. George M. Grier.

11. Rufus H. King.

12. Jacob E. Carpenter.

13. John T. Winslow

14. John H. Ten Eyck.

15. N. Edson Sheldon.

16. Robert S Hale.

17. Abijah Beckwith.

18. Henry Churchill.

19. James R. Alliben.

20. B. N. Huntington.

21. S. D. Phelps.

22. G. D. Foote.

23. Hiram Dewey.

24. Samuel L. Voorhis.

25. Wm. Van Martin.

26. John E. Seeley.

27. Frank L. Jones.

28. J. S. Wadsworth.

29. Ezra M Parsons.

30. Charles C. Parker.

31. E. S. Whalon.

32. John Grennie, Jr.

33. James Parker.

ISSUED BY THE

§ oitng gteit's ^lepilitan Union,

OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.

Campaign Reading Room, Stuyvesant Institute, No. 659

Broadway ; open daily, from 8 A. M. to 11 P. M.

" Let us have faith that right makes might,
and in that faith, let us to the end, dare to do
our duty, as we understand it.

Abraham Lincoln."

BY CHARLES SUMNER.

It was proposed to repeal the old prohibition
of slavery in the Missouri territory, established
as a part of the Missouri compi-omise. But,
instead of doing this openly and precisely — say-
ing in so many words that this provision was
repeated — language was devised by which to
mystify the whole question. Then appeared that
" stump speech in the belly of the bill," accord-
ing to Col. Benton, declaring that the intent was
to leave the people " perfectly free to form and
regulate their domestic institutions in their own
way, subject only to the constitution of the United
States." As the fatal bill containing these words
passed in the gray of the morning, Gen. Cass,
rising from his seat — I remember well the scene
— exclaimed, " This is the triumph of squatter
sovereignty." The old prohibition of slavery
was overthrown, and his .Nicholson letter was
vindicated.

And now note well the trick. The slave mas-
ters who voted for these words rejected with
scorn the idea that the handful of squatters could
exclude slavery. According to them, slavery
went with the Constitution, and was beyond
the control of the squatters. But the formal asser-
tion of this dogma would have caused trouble,
and it was accordingly disguised in these familiar
words, " Subject only to the Constitution of the
United States." Mr. Benjamin of Louisiana, in
his recent speech, let us behind the scenes. He
tells us that at a caucus of Senators, " both wings
of the democracy agreed that each should main-
tain its particular theory before the public — one
side sustaining squatter sovereignty and the
other protection to slavery in the territories, but
pledging themselves to abide by the decision of
the Supreme court, whatever it might be." Such
was the secret conspiracy — concealed for a long
time from the public, and only recently revealed.
And Mr. Dotiglas was a party to it.

Had the popular sovereignty of Mr. Douglas
been a reality and not a sham ; had it been a
sincere recognition of popular rights instead of a
trick to avoid their recognition, he could not
have been a party to such a deception. But
this is not all. While professing popular sover-
eignty, what does his bill really confer upon the
people1? Not the right to organize their own
government, determining for themselves its form
and character ; for all this was done by act of
congress. Not the right to choose the executive ;
for the governor and all other officers in this de-
partment were sent from Washington, nom-
inated by the President. Not the right to nom-
inate the judiciary ;for the judges were also sent
from Washington, nominated by the President.
Not even the right completely to constitute the
legislature ; for even this body was placed in
many important respects beyond the popular con-
trol. Thus in each of the three great depart-
ments of state — the executive, the judicial and
the legislative — was popular sovereignty dis-
owned

Search the Congressional Globe for the month
of February, 1854, and you will see with what
sincerity Mr. Douglas guarded the much-vaunted
rights of the people. Mr. Chase moved to allow
the people to elect their governor and other

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Free Speech. Free Press. Free Soil. Free fllen.

LINCOLN AND HAMLIN— FACTS FOE, THE PEOPLE.

officers. On the vote by ayes and noes the cham-
pion of popular sovereignty voted No. Mr. Chase,
whose effort to unmask this hypocrisy was inde-
fatigable, made a further motion, which put Mr.
Douglas still more to the test. After the words
of alleged popular sovereignty in the bill he
moved to add, " under which the people of the
territory may, through their representatives, ex-
clude slavery if they choose." Here was a plain
proposition. On the vote by ayes and noes Mr.
Douglas and his associates again voted No.

The bill was passed ; and then came other
opportunities to test the sincerity of the present
inighterrant of popular sovereignty. Under its
provisions commenced at once a race of emigra-
tion into the new territories, and the free labor
and slave labor grappled. Lovers of freedom
from the North were encountered by the parti-
zans of slavery from the South, organized by blue
lodges in Missouri, and stimulated from every
part of the land of slavery. The officials of a
government established under pretended safe-
guards of popular sovereignty, all ranged them-
selves on the side of slavery, or, if their allegi-
ance became doubtful — as in the case of Governor
Reeder — they were dismissed, and more avail-
able tools sent instead. I spare details. You
cannot forget that winter and spring preceding
the presidential election of 1856, when we were
alternately startled and stunned at the tidings
from Kansas ; when a body of strangers from
Missouri entering by hundreds, seized by force
the polls, and by pretended forms of law, set up
a' usurpation, which proceeded by formal legisla-
tion to establish slavery there, and to surround
it by a code of death. The atrocity of Philip
II. when by violence and through a " council of
blood" he sought to fasten the inquisition upon
Holland, was renewed. Outrage, arson, rapine,
rape, invasion, murder, the scaiping-knife, were
the agents now employed ; and to crown this
prostration of popular rights. Lawrence, home
of New England settlers and microcosm of New
England life, was burnt to the ground by a com-
pany of profane and drunken ruffians, stimulated
from Washington. What then was the course of
the champion of popular sovereignty ? Did he
thunder and lighten ? Did he come forward to
defend those settlers who had gone to Kansas
imder the pretended safeguards of his bill ? Oh,
no ! But he openly ranged himself in the Sen-
ate on the side of their oppressors — mocked at
their calumnies — denounced them as "insur-
gents"— insulted their agents, and told them
they must submit — while the distant Emigrant
Aid Society in Massachusetts was made the butt
of his most opprobrious assaults. All this I saw
and heard myself.

Then came another scene, with which, owing
to my own absence from the Senate, as an
invalid, I have less personal familiarity ; but it is
known to all of you. The senatorial election in
Illinois was at hand, and Mr. Douglas then
suddenly discovered that popular sovereignty
was something more than a name. He opposed
the Lecompton constitution; but my distinguished
colleague will tell you that even there he was
kept from the most bare-faced apostucy only by
the stern will and indomitable principle of the
lamented Broderick.

If you follow Mr. Douglas in his various
speeches, you cannot fail to be shocked by the
heartlessness of his language. Never in history
has any public man insulted human nature so
boldly. At the North he announces himself as
" always for the white man against the nigger ; "

but at the South he is " for the nigger against
the crocodile." It was natural that such a man
who thus mocked at a portion of God's creation,
made in the Divine image, should say, " Vote
slavery up or vote it down." He knew well that
under his device the settlers could only vote it
up, and that they were not allowed to vote it
down. But this speech attests his brazen in-
sensibility to human rights. Not so spoke the
fathers of the Republic, who taught us all never
to miss an opportunity to vote slavery down. Not
so spoke Washington, who declared that to the
abolition of slavery, " his suffrage should never be
wanting" And such is the whole political
philosophy of this presidential candidate, except
that a man is thus indifferent to the rights of a
whole race, is naturally indifferent to other things
which make for justice and peace.

Again, he cries out, that the slavery question
is the way of public business, and that it must
be removed from Congress. But who has thrust
it there so incessantly as himself? Nay, who
so largely as himself has been the occasion of
its discussion 1 But his complaint illustrates
anew the old fable. It was the wolf above that
troubled the waters, and not the lamb below.

Slavery has no Future.

Bayard Taylor relates the following incident
in one of his recent letters on home travel :

"At White River Junction, where we were
obliged to wait two hours for the train from
Boston to Montreal, I fell in with an intelligent
Southern gentleman, whose statements with
regard to the gradual deterioration of the soil
under slave labor (of which, nevertheless, he was
an advocate!) went even beyond Helper's ab-
horred statistics. He candidly admitted that
Slavery can only exist as a profitable institution
through continual expansion — when the soil of
one State is exhausted, it must move to a new one.
" But how long can this process be carried
on?" I asked : " After a century or two, when
there is no more new soil left, what then?" He
shrugged his shoulders : " That, at least, does
not concern us." I think no intelligent South-
erner can fail to take the same view of the final
effect of Slave Labor. But, considered from
their own stand-point, what a suggestion does
it present ! Slavery has no future ! Through
its own operation it destroys itself, by making
itself unprofitable, and the question which must
come at last : " What is to be done with it ?■" is
carelessly passed on to succeeding generations.

What an Illinois Bell-Man Thinks of the
Prospects in this State.

A Bell-Everett man writing in a business
letter from Cairo, in this State, to a firm in
Rochester, New York, says of politics :

Cairo, Aug. 13, 1860.

# * # J am, as before on the National
Union platform, and we intend to turn the elec-
tion into the House, when John Bell or Edward
Everett will be elected President. Lincoln will
carry Illinois by about 15,000 majority. _ Tt is
generally conceded here that Douglas will not
carry a single State The relative strength of
parties is regarded as follows : 1, Lincoln ; 2,
Bell; 3, Breckinridge; and Douglas counted
out of the ring entirely. If this is not so,
you can buy the best hat in Rochester at my
expense.

LINCOLN AND HAMLIN— FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE.

From Maine, by way of New York.

After the adjournment of the New York Re-
publican Convention at Syracuse on Wednesday,
loud calls were made for General Nye to ad-
dress those present.

General Nye was hurried on to the platform,
and, in a brief and spirited address, congrat-
ulated the convention on the result of its de-
liberations. He had recently come from Maine,
and could give glad tidings from that State,
which would give 20,000 majority for Wash-
burne, the Republican candidate for governor.
He remembered a whig song, which used to
grate harshly on his ears in 1840 :

Oh, have you heard
Of how old Maine went, went, went 1
It went hell bent for Governor Kent,
And Tippecanoe and T)ler too.

[Roars of laughter.]

He had seen the Little Giant in Maine, and
"heard him make a speech on squatter sover-
eignty. He could not understand it, but next
day he had been to a livery stable and heard
two Irishmen discussing the speech of the previ-
ous night. " What is this squatter soverignty ?"
asked one. " And is it you that comes from
Ireland and asks V replied the other. " Why,
I'll tell you what it manes ; a sovereign must
always have somebody to reign over, and the
squatter sovereign reigns over the nagurs ! —
.fLaughter.]

The Bell-Ism — How it Works.

The Bell-Everett Party commenced their
•campaign by making a platform, substantially to
the effect that they would make none. They
then asked their candidate to write a letter,
which he did, and in it declined to write any.

They accordingly declare their intention to
support him, and to prove it, are going to vote
Jbr somebody else. Their orators here declare
that Bell is the only Constitutional candidate,
and, therefore, recommend everybody to support
Douglas. The same orators then go down to
New Jersey, and state that as Bell is the best
•candidate, it is everybody's duty to vote for
Breckinridge.

Carrying out the campaign in the same spirit,
they confidently predict he will carry the States
where he is not running, and denounce as trait-
ors to the party those who persist in keeping up
their 'party organization. And when Election
Bay comes they will rejoice over the A7otes he
don't get, and mourn over those he does.

Poor Stephen.

It is said that Bouglas was lately overheard
repeating to himself the following quartrain :

" When I think of what I am,
And what I used to was,
Melhinks I've thrown myself away
Without sufficient cause."

Douglas Record.

Who dodged the vote on the Homestead bill ?
Stephen A. Douglas. Who dodged on the ad-
mission of Kansas ? Stephen A. Douglas. Who
claims that " my great principle," Popular Sov-
ereignty, has given to slavery a degree and a
half more of the public domain than the slave
power claimed ? Stephen A. Douglas. Isn't he
a pretty candidate for the votes of free laboring
men.

Mr. Bell as a Slaveholder.

Mr. Bell (the candidate for the Presidency)
has a third interest in about four hundred slaves,
the balance belonging to his second wife.
They are employed in Mr. Bell's iron works
on the Cumberland river, and in his coal banks
in Kentucky. — Herald Correspondent.

In the North white men are employed as
laborers in iron works and coal banks, and if it
was not for the institution of slavery 400 white
men would find employment in Mr. Bell's works
instead of 400 black slaves.

A Dead Cock in the Pit.

There was a time when it appeared as though
Mr. Douglas might receive the vote of one or two
States ; but that time has happily gone by. His
unparalleled ambition, his incessent speech-ma-
king, and the trading propensities of his unscru-
pulous and exasperated followers, have deprived
him of the chance of carrying a single State, and
are hurrying him to a most complete and humil-
iating defeat. He will soon be so small a giant
as to be quite invisible, and the sooner the
better, say we.

Should any of his deluded admirers think him
worthy a tomb-stone, we beg to suggest the fol-
lowing, from an old poet, as a fitting epitaph :

" With that dull, rooted, callous impudence,
Which, dead to shame, and every nicer sense,
Ne'er blushed ; truless, in spreading vice's snares,
He blunder'd on some virtue, unawares."

Douglas Literature.

The following notice was actually posted
in Marion, Ohio :

" Notos." — "a grate Duggleass Meetin is to
cum off on Saterde the 15teenth and a poll is to
be razed we want to let um no daoun sowth that
maryann kobnty is awl rite and that kant go nig-
ger heer we are skawtur soverings and beleeve
in the pepul rooling yew will pleese publesh this
sum blac republekans might want to cum as are
phitin niggeri now Larew Joolye 6teen eighteen-
6o."

Growth of Republicanism.

Not the least gratifying feature of the
campaign is the marked and steady growth of
Republicanism in the Slave States. Localities
where four years ago freedom of speech was de-
nied by mob force, now have their Republican
meetings and Republican newspapers. Repub-
lican Electoral Tickets are running, or to be run,
in all the Northern Slave States, and the vote for
them will show a steady and rapid growth of
Republican sentiment. After this election wiser
counsels will doubtless prevail at the south in
regard to differences of political opinion, and the
organization will be extended to every State, not
only with respectable strength, but with pros-
pects of early success.

Great Shake.

A Democratic poetaster sing : —

" There's a waking up of nations,
A stirring up of snakes,
The people shout for Douglas,
Abe Lincoln's got the shakes "

Exactly — and as western farmers employ victims
of the ague to lean against the trunks of their
apple-trees and shake off the Caterpillars, so
will the Republican party commission "Abe Lin-
coln " to shake every worm from the branches of
the Tree of Liberty.

MARK THE FIGURES.

The elaborate statistical table herewith printed, is eminently worthy the careful consid-
eration of men of all parties No more comprehensive or conclusive exhibition of the com-
parative resources and prosperity of the free and slave states could possibly be given. Let
those who doubt the blighting influences of the "peculiar institution," read and reflect upon
these truthful and suggestive figures.

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Can obtain the necessary information about uniform, &c, by applyiug to E. A. MANN,

659 Broa^ vay.

?I.2C&).085.00Z30